>>Acknowledgements
 
>>Table of contents
 >>Abbreviations

  Chapter l :Introduction
  Chapter ll:V-Raising and
                     NP-Licensing
  Chapter lll:NP-Raising and           Presentational Focus 
  Chapter lV: WH-Movement

  Chapter V : Contrastive Focus and             Preverbal Raising
 
Chapter Vl : Conclusions

  References

 

 Chapter 1: Introduction

1.1 Aim
1.2 Theoretical assumptions
1.3 Romanian sentence structure
1.4 Book outline
1.5 Major claims

<Back to top

 Chapter 2: V-Raising and
               NP-Licensing

2.0 Introduction
2.1 Remarks on word order in the Romanian clause
2.2 Verb raising and the split IP hypothesis
2.2.1 Brief overview of previous analyses
2.2.2 The verbal complex revisited
2.2.3 Verb raising: a minimalist account
2.2.4 Summing up
2.3 Subject positions and NP licensing
2.3.1 Brief overview of previous analyses
2.3.2 EPP, Case-licensing and Minimalism
2.4 Unaccusatives
2.4.1 The Romance data
2.4.2 Unaccusatives and Minimalism
2.4.3 Unaccusatives and the definiteness effect
2.4.4 Summing up a V-type EPP language
2.5 Passive structures
2.5.1 Passive constructions in Romanian
2.5.2 Passives and Minimalism
2.6 Summing up NP-licensing in Romanian


<Back to top

 Chapter 3: NP-Raising and  Presentational  Focus

3.0 Introduction
3.1 VOS constructions in Romanian
3.2 Against subject right-adjunction in Romanian
3.2.1VSO and extraction from clausal objects
3.2.2 VOS and sentential objects
3.2.3 VP-ellipsis
3.2.4 Summing up
3.3 Evidence for object raising
3.3.1 The view from Binding
3.3.2 Condition C effects
3.3.3 Quantifier Float phenomena
3.3.4 In sum
3.4 Object raising: cross-linguistic evidence
3.4.1 Clause-medial object raising in Germanic: the specificity effect
3.4.2 Object raising as Noun Incorporation
3.4.3 Summing up
3.5 Object raising in Romanian: triggers and landing site
3.6 Colophon: ‘leapfrogging’ versus ‘stacking’
3.7 Conclusions

<Back to top

 Chapter 4: WH-Movement

4.0 Introduction
4.1 The issue
4.2 Former accounts and a new proposal
4.3 Wh-phrases in Romanian: summary of properties
4.3.1 The Verb-adjacency requirement
4.3.1.1 Two notes on the adjacency requirement
4.3.1.2 De ce ‘why’: a cross-linguistic headache
4.3.2 Multiple checking and (Anti)-Superiority
4.3.2.1 ‘Attract’ versus ‘Move’
4.3.2.2 Formalizing multiple wh-movement
4.3.3 Interaction with Topics
4.4 Romanian and CV2 languages: a comparison
4.4.1 Main clause interrogatives
4.4.2 Embedded interrogatives
4.5 Two apparent problems
4.5.1 The (ir)relevancy of sluicing
4.5.2 Successive-cyclic movement and apparent SAI
4.6 Romanian wh-phrases move to IP
4.7 The IP/CP dichotomy and multiple wh-movement
4.7.1 Wh-islands and interacting wh-dependencies
4.7.2 Local scrambling: A- or A-bar movement
4.7.3 Wh-movement and weak crossover
4.7.4 Wh-movement and quantifier raising
4.7.5 Summing up
4.8 Colophon: Romanian interrogative X°
4.9 Conclusions

<Back to top

 Chapter 5: Contrastive Focus and  Preverbal Raising
5.0 Introduction
5.1 Defining the term and previous analyses
5.1.1 Kiss (1995b, 1998)
5.1.2 Rizzi (1995/97)
5.1.3 Zubizaretta (1998)
5.1.4 Erteschik-Shir (1997)
5.1.5 Some conclusions
5.2 Introductory remarks on contrastive focus in Romanian
5.2.1 Previous analyses concerning the Romanian preverbal field
5.2.2 Summing up Pandora’s box
5.3 Properties of contrastive focus and other sentence-initial elements in Romanian
5.3.1 The verb-adjacency requirement
5.3.2 Complementary distribution
5.3.3 D-linking and sentence initial operators in Romanian
5.3.3.1 What’s in a topic?
5.3.3.2 Topichood and sentence-initial operators
5.3.4 In sum
5.4 Evidence for A-bar movement
5.4.1 Contrastive focus-movement and wh-movement
5.4.2 Affective operators
5.4.3 Weak crossover
5.4.4 Is focus quantificational in Romanian?
5.4.5 Summing up
5.5 Analysis
5.5.1 The copy theory of movement
5.5.2 Streamlining optionality
5.6 Conclusions

<Back to top

 Chapter 6: Conclusions

6.0 Introduction
6.1 Summary of book
6.2 Open ends

<Back to top

 References

<Back to top